With socialist greetings,
Long Live the Working People!

My comrades in the struggle,

The workers’ Excellency!
This Declaration of the Working People Association is proclaimed as a beginning in gathering up the scattered left organizations to improve movement quality and radical resistance of the working people. That is the beginning of our courage in formulating the importance of unifying our acts in a political body providing an umbrella for unification.

“Come on comrades, peasants, youth, and our forces, we go forward to resist and attack fortifications of the enemy, it is a decisive victory, it is a decisive victory, it is a decisive victory of ’45 revolution.”

Actually, we construct the unification to be able to present a class struggle on the Indonesia political stage. The right-wing’s political domination indicates the capitalists have no barrier in compelling their political economy interest to be accommodated in the rules and regulations of state institution. A class struggle strives for the involvement of class having the contradictory interests with the capitalists’ interest to fight as the most decisive power in determining the state decision. At least, the existence of a sturdy class struggle will be an obstacle for the capitalists in accommodating their interest into political economy decision. It will be an obstacle for the capitalist in attempting the next ways of exploitation as well.

Nevertheless, if that class struggle succeeds in constructing the obstacles mentioned above, the working people will have a power to force the state to make the decision reflecting the interest of the working people. In brief, our goal is to appoint the working people to the supreme power and to prepare them to organize the state by implementing their own skill when the authority is in their hand.

"Social democracy is a combination between labour movement and socialism. Its duty is not to serve the worker movement in each stage passively. Its duty is to represent the movement interest totally, to demonstrate its main purposes and political duties, and to protect its political and ideological autonomy".

My comrades in the struggle!
The idea of the left-unification necessity has emerged since several months ago. Some organizations agreeing the unification have decided to initiate the unification process formally. It is true that we can begin with the assembling of all organizations. Nevertheless, if we take that strategy, perhaps, the process will take a long time because there is no concrete commitment between those agreeing organizations. Ultimately, we have decided to begin this process formally. Besides the advantage of written commitment, we construct a structure enabling the existence of act adjustment and movement harmonization in materializing this unification.

Therefore, we have held the National Conference of Unification in May 13 – 15, 2004, in Surakarta. We began that conference with the formation of collectives in some regions in Indonesia. There are ten regions having begun this process, i.e. Medan, Padang, Jabotabek, Bandung, Yogyakarta, Solo, Surabaya, Palu, Banjar, and Makasar. That National Conference of Unification was held through the Regional (??) Collectives.

Exactly 22.45 WIB, in May 13, 2004, all participants of the National Conference of Unification have agreed to declare the Preparatory Committee of Unification running nationally. The name of that Preparatory Committee is the Preparatory Committee of the Working People Association.

We are sure that many people or organizations claim themselves as the agents of class struggle as well. But, for us, the practice will proof the distinction between our way and their way. For that reason, we need practice guidance as a direction to aim our ideal.  The guidance drawn up by the National Conference of Unification consists of:

1. A class politics will always bring the workers closer to the economic, political, and theoretical (ideology and consciousness) power;

2. The struggle of economic, political, and ideological power is carried out by the proletariat party. Nonetheless, only a commune or soviet will be the worker’s tool in controlling the real authority;

3. A party can be determined as a proletariat party if the proletariat dominate the party. The other classes and sectors in the party will comply with the proletariat control and will devote themselves to their sectoral struggle for the interest of proletariat’s victory;

4. One of the proletarian domination terms is “class composition” in an organization. A proletariat party has an obligation to construct “class composition” in its organization dominated by proletariat;

5. Because the majority of proletariat and the other workers are suppressed by the ideological hegemony of bourgeois, we need a vanguard organization bearing a duty to progress the consciousness of the working class in attaining another consciousness: self-determination will be materialized if the working class has political economy control;

6. To be a vanguard, it is necessary that an organization has centralism in its body. Nevertheless, this centralism is not merely based on the authority or mandate to the central but is particularly based on the collective understanding on the chosen measures to react against the certain situation;

7. The conviction of the proletariat struggle will be a total power if it is based on the internationalism power.